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In connection with this last issue, Pravda noted that Yezhov had given a report and that decisions were reached on the basis of his report as well as on words from Comrade Stalin.[207] No corresponding Central Committee resolution was published, but a subsequent series of press articles reported that lower-level party officials had taken a heartless attitude toward party members, had expelled many of them for simple nonparticipation in party life, and had been slow to consider appeals and readmissions of those wrongly expelled.[208] Careful readers of even this minimal public text could discern the outlines of something a bit broader

But, unlike the Clampetts, the Robertsons stayed put, in West Monroe, La

For the main plot of our story, though, the most important reaction to the violence of Tulsa (and elsewhere)[5] was the newfound sense of determination that emerged to confront it.[6] Setting aside the philosophical debate that raged across the African American community over the broader period on the best way to advance the prospects of those most impacted by these laws,[7] the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (the NAACP ) began to plan new strategies to defeat Jim Crow.[8] The initial architect of this challenge was Charles Hamilton Houston, who joined the NAACP and developed and implemented the framework of its legal strategy after graduating from Harvard Law School in 1922, the year following the Tulsa race riot.[9] Between its founding in 1940, under the leadership of Houston-disciple Thurgood Marshall,[10] and 1955, the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund brought a series of cases designed to undermine Plessy